मनुस्मृति में मांसभक्षण निषेध

सम्पूर्ण वेदादी शास्त्र मांसाहार निषेध बताते है परंतु स्मृतियों मे भी निषेध है | मनुस्मृति के कुछ श्लोक प्रस्तुत है 

(1) योऽहिंसकानि भूतानि हिनस्त्यात्मसुखेच्छया ।

स जीवंश्च मृतश्चैव न क्वचित्सुखमेधते ।।-(मनु० ५/४५)*

अर्थ:-जो जीव वध-योग्य नहीं हैं,उनको जो कोई अपने सुख के निमित्त मारता है,वह जीवित दशा में भी मृतक-तुल्य है,वह कहीं भी सुख नहीं पाता है।

(2) यो बन्धनवधक्लेशान्प्राणिनां न चिकीर्षति ।

स सर्वस्य हितप्रेप्सुः सुखमत्यन्तमश्नुते ।।-(मनु० ५/४६)

अर्थ:-जो मनुष्य किसी जीव को बन्धन में रखने,वध करने व क्लेश देने की इच्छा नहीं रखता है,वह सबका हितेच्छु है,अतएव वह अनन्त सुख भोगता है।

(3) नाऽकृत्वा प्राणिनां हिंसां मांसमुत्पद्यते क्वचित्।

न च प्राणिवधः स्वर्ग्यस्तस्मान्मांसं विवर्जयेत् ।।-(मनु० ५/४८)

अर्थ:-जीवों की हिंसा बिना मांस की प्राप्ति नहीं होती और जीवों की हिंसा स्वर्ग-प्राप्ति (सुखविषेश) में बाधक है,अतः मांस-भक्षण कदापि नहीं करना चाहिए।

(4) समुत्पत्तिं तु मांसस्य वधबन्धौ च देहिनाम् ।

प्रसमीक्ष्य निवर्तेत सर्वमांसस्य भक्षणात् ।।-(मनु० ५/४९)

अर्थ:-मांस की उत्पत्ति,जीवों का बन्धन तथा उनकी हिंसा-इन बातों को देखकर सब प्रकार से मांस-भक्षण का त्याग करना चाहिए।

(5) न भक्षयति यो मांसं विधिं हित्वा पिशाचवत् ।

स लोके प्रियतां याति व्याधिभिश्च न पीड्यते ।।-(मनु० ५/५०)

अर्थ:-जो मनुष्य विधि त्यागकर पिशाच की तरह मांस-भक्षण नहीं करता वह संसार में सर्वप्रिय बन जाता है और विपत्ति के समय कष्ट नहीं पाता।

(6) अनुमन्ता विशसिता निहन्ता क्रयविक्रयी ।

संस्कर्ता चोपहर्ता च खादकश्चैति घातकाः ।।-(मनु० ५/५१)

अर्थ:-पशु-हत्या की अनुमति देने वाला,शस्त्र से मांस काटने वाला,मारने वाला,खरीदने वाला,बेचने वाला,पकाने वाला,परोसने वाला और खाने वाला,ये सब घातक अर्थात् कसाई हैं।

(7) वर्षे वर्षेऽश्वमेधेन यो यजेत शतं समाः ।

मांसानि च न खादेद्यस्तयोः पुण्यफलं समम् ।।-(मनु० ५/५३)

अर्थ:-जो मनुष्य सौ वर्ष-पर्यन्त प्रत्येक वर्ष एक बार अश्वमेध यज्ञ करता है तथा अन्य पुरुष जो मांसभक्षी नहीं है,इन दोनों के पुण्य का फल समान है।

(8) फलमूलाशनैर्मेध्यैर्मुन्यन्नानां च भोजनैः ।

न तत्फलमवाप्नोति यन्मांसपरिवर्जनात् ।।-(मनु० ५/५४)

अर्थ:-मनुष्य को सेब,केला आदि पवित्र फल,गाजर,मूली आदि कन्दमूल और मुनी-अन्न के खाने से वह फल प्राप्त नहीं होता,जो मांस-भक्षण के परित्याग से प्राप्त होता है।

आदित्य L1 की पूरी जानकारी, सूर्य पर जीवन को भी ढूंढ निकालेगा भारत की पहली सौर्य अंतरिक्षीय वेधशाला

इसे पूरे लेख को वीडियो रूप मे यहा सुने 

 दिनांक 2 सितंबर 2023 को भारत ने अपनी पहली अंतरिक्षीय सौर्य वेधशाला पृथ्वी से 15 लाख किलोमीटर दूर स्थापित करने हेतु आदित्य एल-1 नाम का उपग्रह भेज दिया है |

आदित्य L1 को ISRO के विश्वसनीय रॉकेट PSLV से 11 बज कर 50 मिनट पर सतीश धवन अंतरिक्ष केंद्र, श्रीहरिकोट से प्रक्षेपण किया गया, जो की 125 दिन बाद लैंगरेंज पॉइंट 1 पर स्थापित होगा |

सूर्य के अध्ययन को लेकर भारत की ये पहली वेध शाला है जो अंतरिक्ष मे स्थापित होगी |

भारत मे खगोल विज्ञान के अध्ययन की एक बहुत पुरानी परंपरा है | भगवान श्री राम भी सूर्य के धब्बे को बता रहे है और आधुनिक समय मे भी वेध शालाये बनाने मे भी हम कभी पीछे नहीं रहे | आधुनिक समय अर्थात पिछले 800-1000 वर्ष, जिसमे की नवीन नाम से कुतुब मीनार कहा जाने वाला भवन हो या जंतर मनतर | महाराज जय सिंह द्वितीय ने जयपुर, नई दिल्ली, उज्जैन, मथुरा, वाराणसी मे 1734 से 1735 के बीच मे जो वेध शालाये स्थापित करी उन्हे हम जंतर मन्तर के नाम से जानते है जिनमे जयपुर और नई दिल्ली की वेध शालाये अभी भी अध्ययन करने योग्य है | इसके अतिरिक्त भारत मे अनेकों वेध शालाये है जिनमे कुछ सूर्य के अध्ययन को लेकर लक्षित है |

सयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका की नासा, यूरोप की यूरोपीयन स्पेस एजेंसी ई.एस.ए, जापान की जापान एरोस्पेस एक्सपलोरेशन जाकसा और चीन की नैशनल स्पेस साइंस सेंटेर के पश्चात भारत की इसरो अंतरिक्ष मे सौर्य वेधशाला भेजने वाला भारत पाचवा देश बन गया है |

 

कुछ प्रमुख वेध शालाओ के बारे मे जानते है |

 

L1 पॉइंट पर स्थापित होने वाली वेधशालाओ मे Solar and Heliospheric Observatory SOHO European Space Agency द्वारा निर्मित जिसे 2 दिसंबर 1995 मे लॉन्च किया गया था और मई 1996 मे ये कक्षा मे स्थापित हुआ था | इसे 2 वर्ष के लिए बनाया गया था पर इसे लगभग 27 वर्ष 9 मास हो गए है और ये अभी भी कार्य कर रहा है | इसने 4000 तक कॉमेटस की खोज कर ली है और येESA एवं NASA द्वारा संयुक्त रूप से संचालित किया जाता है |

 

Deep Space Climate Observatory जिसे 11 फरवरी 2015 को स्पेस एक्स के रॉकेट से स्थापित किया गया था और 8 जून 2015 से यह कार्य कर रहा है | ये भी नासा द्वारा ही नियंत्रित है |

 

वर्ष 2018 मे नासा का सोलर पार्कर प्रॉब लॉन्च हुआ जो की 22 जून 2023 को अपनी 16 वी कक्षा मे प्रवेश करने पर 27 जून 2023 को सूर्य के अबतक सबसे निकटतम जाने वाला यान है | इसके साथ ही इसकी अधिकतम गति 191 किलोमीटर प्रतिघंटे की रही जिस से ये अब तक का मानव निर्मित सबसे तीव्रगति प्राप्त करने वाला यान बना |

L 2 पॉइट पर स्थापित करने के लिए जेम्स वेब स्पेस टेलएस्कोप 25 दिसंबर 2021 को लॉन्च किया गया जो की 12 जुलाई 2022 से सेवाये दे रहा है |

 

अब लँगरेंज पॉइंट्स को समझते है | 

पाँच लैंगरेंज प्वाइंट होते है जिसमे L1, L2, L3 अस्थिर है और L4, L5 स्थिर है | L4, L5 पृथ्वी की कक्षा के मार्ग पर है |

ये अंतरिक्ष मे वे बिन्दु है जहा वस्तुओ को भेजने पर ये उसी अवस्था मे रहते है | लैंगरेंज पाइंट पर सूर्य और पृथ्वी का गुरुत्वाकर्षण खिचाव किसी छोटे पिंड को उसी कक्षा मे रखने के लिए आवश्यक अभिकेंद्रीय बल यानि सेंटरिपीटल फोर्स के बराबर होता है |

इस प्रकार इन स्थानों पर उपग्रही वेधशाला को स्थापित करने से ईधन की खपत को न्यून कर दिया जाता है |

लैंगरेंज प्वाइंट इटालियन-फ्रेंच मूल के गणितज्ञ जोएसफी लोइस लँगरंजे के सम्मान मे दिया गया नाम है |

आदित्य L1 लँगरंज 1 पर स्थापित होने पर सूर्य की बाहरी तीन परतों का अध्ययन करने मे सहायता करेगा | सूर्य की आन्तरिक्त परतों मे कोर, रेडियोएक्टिव जॉन, कंविक्सन जोन होती है और बाहरी परत मे फोटोसफीयर क्रोमोसफीयर और कोरोना है | क्रोमोसफीयर और कोरोना के बीच एक संक्रमनीय परत भी होती है जिसे अंग्रेजी मे ट्रांजिशन लेयर भी कहते है |

सूर्य का 73% द्रव्यमान हाइड्रोजन है और 25% हीलियम है अन्य 2% मे कार्बन, ऑक्सीजन एवं नाइट्रोजन है | सूर्य के कोर मे हाइड्रोजन हीलियम मे परिवर्तित होता है जिसे न्यूलीयर फ्यूशन कहते है | 

सूर्य के मूल मे देड़ करोड़ डिग्री सेंटीग्रेड का तापमान माना जाता है | वही ऊपरी परत पर लगभग 5600 डीगरी सेंटीग्रेड तापमान है वही सतह पर 1000 मील ऊपर चलने पर सूर्य की लहरों का तापमान लगभग 1 करोड़ डिग्री पहुच जाता है | ये वैज्ञानिकों के लिए चकराने वाली बात है | इस रहस्य से भी पर्दा उठाने के लिए आकडे इकट्ठा करेगा आदित्य L1 क्योंकी इस वेधशाला और सूर्य के बीच कोई अन्य बाधा नहीं होगी |

1480 kg वजनी आदित्य L1 मे कुल 7 पेलोड लगे है जिसमे 4 रिमोट सेन्सिंग और 3 In-situ उपकरण है |

पहला उपकरण है VELC visible emission line chronograph ये एक ultraviolet reflective telescope है | ये प्रतिदिन सूर्य से 1440 चित्र पृथ्वी पर भेजेगा |

इसे आप अभियांत्रिकी चमत्कार कह सकते है | इसकी आंतरिक संरचना बेहद जटिल है और अत्यंत गणतीय परिश्रम का परिणाम हैं |

VELC, को Indian Institute of Astrophysics (IIA), Bengaluru, Laboratory of electro optical system, Bengaluru, U R Rao Satellite center, Bengaluru, ISRO inertial system unit and space application center, त्रिवन्तपुरम ने संयुक्त रूप से विकसित किया है |

दूसरा Solar low energy spectrometer SOLexs  जो की सोलर साफ्ट एक्स रे फ्लक्स को अध्ययन करता है यानि सॉफ्ट एक्स रे स्पेक्टरोमीटर है | इसे U R Rao satellite center द्वारा विकसित किया गया है |

तीसरा  हाई एनर्जी एल 1 ऑरबिटिङ एक्सरे स्पेक्टरोंमीटर Hel1os

ये हार्ड एक्स रे स्पेक्टरोमीटर है इसे भी U R Rao satellite center द्वारा विकसित किया गया है |

चौथा Solar ultra violet Imaging telescope है जो की UV telescope ये फोटोसफीयर और क्रोमोसफीयर का अध्ययन करेगा इसे Inter University for astronomy and astrophysics, Pune ISRO ने संयुक्त रूप से विकसित किया है |

पाचवा Aditya solar wind particle experimental Aspex

In-situ observations के लिए बनाया गया है यह Low energy particles and high energy ions के अध्ययन के लिए लगाया गया है इसे Physical Research Laboratory, Karnavarti जिसे की Ahmedabad कहा जाता है ने विकसित किया है |

छठवा Plasma Analyser Package for Aditya जिसे संक्षेप PAPA नाम दिया गया है  solar winds का mass analysis करेगा | इसे Space Physics Laboratory, Vikram Sarabhai Space Center, त्रिवन्तपुरम ने विकसित किया है |

सातवा Magnetometer हैं जो की Interplanatery magnetic fields magnetic sensors से मेसर करेगा इसे Electro Optics Systems बैंगलुरु ने विकसित किया है |

कहने वाले यह तो कह सकते है की भारत ने थोड़ा विलंभ से अंतरिक्ष मे सूर्य के अध्ययन को लेकर वेधशाला स्थापित करी पर यदि हम इसरो का इतिहास देखे तो पाएंगे की दूसरों से सीख कर हमारे वैज्ञानिकों ने कार्य कही दक्षता से किया है |

इन पेलोड्स से यह एकदम स्पष्ट हो गया है |

 

वर्ष 2008 मे एड्वाइसरी कमेटी फॉर स्पेस एजेंसी, ने सौर्य मिशन का सुझाव दिया था | 2016-17 मे इसके लिए 3 करोड़ भारतीय रुपये प्रस्तावित हुए | अंतरिक्ष मे प्रक्षेपण होते होते इसमे 400 करोड़ रुपये के लगभग लग गए |

 

सभी उपकरणों को संयोजित कर के आदित्य L1 बना है जिसे PSLV rocket के ऊपरी भाग मे लगाया गया | इन सबको सतीश धवन अंतरिक्ष केंद्र, की Vehicle Assembly Building मे जोड़ा गया जो की लॉन्च पैड से 900 मीटर दूर है पी एस एल वी के ऊपरी भाग मे आदित्य एल 1 को रख कर साइट पर पहुचाया गया जहा से इसे अंतरिक्ष मे प्रक्षेपित किया गया |

इसके अतिरिक्त भी सूर्य के विषय मे अनेकों रहस्य है | सूर्य पर जीवन की संभावना भी वैज्ञानिक भी जता चुके है | कुछ वर्षों पूर्व लीजलेना नाम का बाइटेरिया मिला जो गर्म पानी मे जीवित राहत है इस प्रकार के थर्मोपाइल्स जो की 45 से 80 डीगरी सेलसिउस मे रहने पर वैज्ञानिकों की सोच मे बदलाव ले आए | यहा तक की लावा मे भी सूक्ष्म जीव पाए गए है |

इस कारण वातावरण अनुसार जीवन की संभावना पर भी वैज्ञानिक विचार करने लगे |

तो क्या सूर्य पर किसी प्रकार का जीवन हो सकता है ? क्या प्लासमा से निर्मित कोई जीवन भी संभव है ? इस से संबंधित भी जानकारिया मिल हमे आदित्य एल 1 से हमे मिल सकती है | यदि आप लोग चाहेंगे तो इस विषय पर हम विस्तार से भविष्य मे अलग वीडियो बना सकते है | इस विषय पर आपकी क्या राय है हमे कमेन्ट मे बताए |

वीडियो से यदि आपके ज्ञान मे बढ़ोतरी हुई हो तो इसे कृपया इसे लाइक करे |

अनेकों ज्ञानवर्धक वीडियो के लिए चैनल को सबस्क्राइब करे |

चंद्रयान मिशन की पूरी जानकारी के लिए हमारा ये वीडियो देखिए |

Bhagat Singh Called Gandhi a British Agent - Tribune India Interview Bhagat Singhs ally Durga Das

For Durga Das Khanna, former Chairman, Punjab Legislative Council, the urge for freedom was sufficiently strong to take him quite close to the gallows. In 1931, he was sentenced to death by the Lahore Sessions Judge for his part in the conspiracy to assassinate the Governor of Punjab. He was acquitted later by the High Court.

Scion of an orthodox family, Khanna became very close to Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev. In an interview recorded by the Nehru Memorial Library, eight years before his death in 1984, he describes how he was induced to give up his conservative moorings and drawn into the revolutionary band that sought to end the British rule in India by use of force:

I BELONG to a family which had no political background. It was an orthodox Hindu family. I was born in 1908. My father and grandfather were doing money-lending business. One of my uncles was a senior advocate of the Lahore High Court.

My reaction to the profession my father and grandfather were engaged in was rather adverse right from childhood. I remember people coming and being advanced all kinds of amounts and paying high rates of interest and I always used to wonder if my family was not living on the wants and miseries of others. This created almost a revolution in my mind, but I thought it wiser to keep my counsel to myself, though once or twice I did argue with my grandfather why he could not give up the profession. He said that this was something done not only by him, but by so many others and that it was a traditional way of helping people to carry out their needs.

I had a religious bent of mind from the very beginning. My one attraction was the Guru Granth Sahib, which my father used to read daily. I began to visit the gurdwara, opposite Lahore Fort, which had been established in the memory of Guru Arjan Dev. Somehow of all the 10 gurus of the Sikhs, Guru Arjan Dev impressed me the most and I would go there every Sunday and listen to the bani.

When Ipassed my matriculation in 1924 I applied to two colleges — Government College, Lahore, and Forman Christian College. I was not admitted in Government College and I am glad I was not. In FC College I found a very free atmosphere. The Principal, Dr E.D. Lucas, was a wonderful man and if I can think of the first influence on my mind about the national movement, it was from him.

This, of course, does not take into account the days of the martial law in 1919. I was very young at that time, but I have a vivid recollection of the way a certain magistrate in Lahore fired on unarmed processionists in Hira Mandi Bazaar. There was a hartal and the enthusiasm which I witnessed among the people could not but influence me against the British Raj.

One morning I noticed a couple of booklets — one entitled Great Thoughts of Lala Hardyal and the other Selections from the Writings of Bande Matram — with my friend Hans Raj Vohra. He passed those books to me while sitting in the physics gallery of FC College. Dr V.S. Puri was giving a lecture and we were talking about these books. He noticed that and scolded us. I then took away the books from him and after reading them felt inspired as if some hidden hand was directing my movements.

I would go and seek interviews with Dr Lucas (he was an American) and tried to know how things were in America. He said: ‘You cannot compare the position prevailing in your country with the free atmosphere in the USA’. That was a free country. And once he said ‘unless you young men do something to shake off the shackles, you cannot improve’. And this had tremendous influence on my mind.

Once, in 1927 or 1928 I had written out my answers in history. Dr Wilson was the professor. This was the time of house examinations. After he had marked the answer papers of all the students, they were distributed to them. I was the only one who did not receive his answer book. I asked Dr Wilson the reason.

He said: "The Principal will hand over the paper to you".

When I met Dr Lucas, he said: "Where did you get all the material you have written in your answer? This is not from the prescribed textbooks".

I said it was from Basu’s Rise of Christian Power in India. As I was talking about the book, Dr Wilson came in. He said: ‘From where did you get that book? I had told Sant Ram, the librarian, not to issue the book to anyone.’

I said I got it from the Dwarka Das Library(which had been set up by Lala Lajpat Rai).

Dr Lucas said: ‘It is perfectly alright’. But he asked me to request my uncle (who was the standing counsel of the college) to see him.

When both my uncle and I went to Dr Lucas’ office, he said: "Tirath Ram I warn you that your nephew is going to be hanged one of these days! Because you are our counsel Ijust want to warn you that he may not go to extremes".

Meanwhile after reading the two books given by Hans Raj, I asked him where he had got them from. He said: "Would you like to meet the gentlemen from whom I got them?"

Naturally, I expressed my desire to meet them. An appointment was fixed for the evening in Gol Bagh, opposite municipal offices.

I was introduced to ‘Shri Bhagat Singh’ and ‘Shri Sukhdev’. They both laughed saying, "What is this ‘Shri’?" and added that they should be known by just their names.

Then we talked about the prevailing political situation in the country. Gandhiji came in for a lot of criticism. It was said that he aroused the passions of the people, promised that swaraj will be achieved by the country within a year, in 1921, but later withdrew the movement.

I found myself not totally disagreeing with the views expressed by Bhagat Singh. Sukhdev was a bit more trenchant in his criticism. He said: ‘If you look into Gandhji’s conduct you will come to the conclusion that he was acting more like an agent of the British than a leader of the national movement.’

I revolted against the accusation. But he persisted. I said he could keep his opinions to himself, but I was entitled to maintain my respect for the great leader.

Then we discussed the role of people fighting for freedom in other countries, for instance, in Russia of the Czars or the Irish revolutionaries against the British.

We met the next day and all four of us walked towards Chauburji grounds. This time I was more of a listener. But at one time I did intervene and say that I would like to study freedom movements in other countries before I expressed any opinion on the methods we should employ in our country.

Bhagat Singh was happy to see that I was willing to read more on this matter. But Sukhdev said that so far as the means to fight evil were concerned ‘You must also refer to your Bhagavadgita.’

He said: ‘Your Krishna gave a definite answer to the means to be employed in such matters and that was to meet force with force if reason failed.’

I said: ‘I accept your position entirely, but reason has to be employed in the first place.’

Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev would be very discreet with me. They found that I was opposed to employing violent means and was influenced by Gandhiji therefore they neither disclosed what their affiliations were, nor what they were doing. It appeared to me to be more of an academic discussion.

Later, I did inquire from Hans Raj as to who these johnnies were, but he also did not disclose the nature of their involvement in any particular movement.

They asked me to read My Fight for Irish Freedom and the Life of Barrister Savarkar. The other book I read was ABC of Communism. I could understand the phenomena of the Russian revolution of 1919 in the background of this book.

We met next towards the end of 1926. I told them of the books I had read. One of them, on the Russian revolution, was Ten days that shook the world. Its opening sentence was ‘Chaos is necessary for the birth of a new star.’ Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev were very happy with the way I had started.

After my F.Sc. examinations we began having more frequent meetings with each other. They appeared to me to be very sincere, able men of very high calibre who professed what they were prepared to act upon. They were not in the movement for getting any benefit out of it. They were there to sacrifice their lives if they could bring the goal of freedom nearer.

Today as I look back it appears that they assessed my feelings and my intellectual capacity very correctly and knew that I would not like anything to be imposed upon me.

After my examinations (in March 1926), we began to meet each other more frequently. It was in one of the meetings that Sukhdev put the proposition very boldly to me. He said that they were members of a secret revolutionary organisation known as the Hindustan Republic Association (the word Socialist was added later) and gave me a printed leaflet as regard their views, organisation etc. It stressed the dire necessity to resort to forceful means to meet the challenge of the British who were doing everything to demoralise our people by oppression. When I was asked if I was prepared to join them and sacrifice my life if necessary for the sake of freedom, it was really a big question for me. I said I would like some time to ponder over the whole thing.

When we met after a month or so again, I told them that there was no alternative to the method suggested by them. Gandhian philosophy and non-violence at that time appeared to me to be not very effective in meeting the organised force of the government. Therefore, I said: ‘You can take me as one of your members.’

Before I gave this word I had written to Gandhiji, stating that there were two alternatives before me. One was to join the revolutionaries and the other was to join him at his ashram and devote my life to the cause of freedom under his guidance.

After some time I received a reply from Mahadev Desai that Gandhiji desired that for the time being I should be guided by the advice of my parents. This was the last straw because it shattered my faith in the theory of non-violence and the apprehensions suggested by Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev seemed to be true. When I met them again I became a full-fledged member of the party.

Postscript: After working for the revolutionary party for a few months in Lahore, Durga Das Khanna was asked to proceed to Rawalpindi. It was decided that he would do this on his wedding night so that he could elope without his bride, but with all the cash and jewellery that comes the groom’s way on such occasions, for the cash-starved party.

Khanna slipped out of his house for his midnight rendezvous with Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev. However, after asking a few searching questions about what impact his going away would have on his family, Bhagat Singh advised him to return home.

In 1930, after the top leaders of the movement had been put out of action by the government, Khanna along with Virendra and Ranvir (later editors of the Pratap and Milap, respectively) hatched the conspiracy to assassinate a prominent symbol of British rule in India — the Governor of Punjab, Sir Geoffery de Montmorency.

— Lalit Mohan

https://www.tribuneindia.com/1999/99jan23/saturday/head4.htm

How Britain stole $45 trillion from India and lied about it by Jason Hickel

There is a story that is commonly told in Britain that the colonisation of India - as horrible as it may have been - was not of any major economic benefit to Britain itself. If anything, the administration of India was a cost to Britain. So the fact that the empire was sustained for so long - the story goes - was a gesture of Britain's benevolence.

New research by the renowned economist Utsa Patnaik - just published by Columbia University Press - deals a crushing blow to this narrative. Drawing on nearly two centuries of detailed data on tax and trade, Patnaik calculated that Britain drained a total of nearly $45 trillion from India during the period 1765 to 1938.

It's a staggering sum. For perspective, $45 trillion is 17 times more than the total annual gross domestic product of the United Kingdom today.

How did this come about?

It happened through the trade system. Prior to the colonial period, Britain bought goods like textiles and rice from Indian producers and paid for them in the normal way - mostly with silver - as they did with any other country. But something changed in 1765, shortly after the East India Company took control of the subcontinent and established a monopoly over Indian trade.

Here's how it worked. The East India Company began collecting taxes in India, and then cleverly used a portion of those revenues (about a third) to fund the purchase of Indian goods for British use. In other words, instead of paying for Indian goods out of their own pocket, British traders acquired them for free, "buying" from peasants and weavers using money that had just been taken from them.

It was a scam - theft on a grand scale. Yet most Indians were unaware of what was going on because the agent who collected the taxes was not the same as the one who showed up to buy their goods. Had it been the same person, they surely would have smelled a rat.

Some of the stolen goods were consumed in Britain, and the rest were re-exported elsewhere. The re-export system allowed Britain to finance a flow of imports from Europe, including strategic materials like iron, tar and timber, which were essential to Britain's industrialisation. Indeed, the Industrial Revolution depended in large part on this systematic theft from India.

On top of this, the British were able to sell the stolen goods to other countries for much more than they "bought" them for in the first place, pocketing not only 100 percent of the original value of the goods but also the markup.

After the British Raj took over in 1858, colonisers added a special new twist to the tax-and-buy system. As the East India Company's monopoly broke down, Indian producers were allowed to export their goods directly to other countries. But Britain made sure that the payments for those goods nonetheless ended up in London.

How did this work? Basically, anyone who wanted to buy goods from India would do so using special Council Bills - a unique paper currency issued only by the British Crown. And the only way to get those bills was to buy them from London with gold or silver. So traders would pay London in gold to get the bills, and then use the bills to pay Indian producers. When Indians cashed the bills in at the local colonial office, they were "paid" in rupees out of tax revenues - money that had just been collected from them. So, once again, they were not in fact paid at all; they were defrauded.

Meanwhile, London ended up with all of the gold and silver that should have gone directly to the Indians in exchange for their exports.

This corrupt system meant that even while India was running an impressive trade surplus with the rest of the world - a surplus that lasted for three decades in the early 20th century - it showed up as a deficit in the national accounts because the real income from India's exports was appropriated in its entirety by Britain.

Some point to this fictional "deficit" as evidence that India was a liability to Britain. But exactly the opposite is true. Britain intercepted enormous quantities of income that rightly belonged to Indian producers. India was the goose that laid the golden egg. Meanwhile, the "deficit" meant that India had no option but to borrow from Britain to finance its imports. So the entire Indian population was forced into completely unnecessary debt to their colonial overlords, further cementing British control.

Britain used the windfall from this fraudulent system to fuel the engines of imperial violence - funding the invasion of China in the 1840s and the suppression of the Indian Rebellion in 1857. And this was on top of what the Crown took directly from Indian taxpayers to pay for its wars. As Patnaik points out, "the cost of all Britain's wars of conquest outside Indian borders were charged always wholly or mainly to Indian revenues."

And that's not all. Britain used this flow of tribute from India to finance the expansion of capitalism in Europe and regions of European settlement, like Canada and Australia. So not only the industrialisation of Britain but also the industrialisation of much of the Western world was facilitated by extraction from the colonies.

Patnaik identifies four distinct economic periods in colonial India from 1765 to 1938, calculates the extraction for each, and then compounds at a modest rate of interest (about 5 percent, which is lower than the market rate) from the middle of each period to the present. Adding it all up, she finds that the total drain amounts to $44.6 trillion. This figure is conservative, she says, and does not include the debts that Britain imposed on India during the Raj.

These are eye-watering sums. But the true costs of this drain cannot be calculated. If India had been able to invest its own tax revenues and foreign exchange earnings in development - as Japan did - there's no telling how history might have turned out differently. India could very well have become an economic powerhouse. Centuries of poverty and suffering could have been prevented.

All of this is a sobering antidote to the rosy narrative promoted by certain powerful voices in Britain. The conservative historian Niall Ferguson has claimed that British rule helped "develop" India. While he was prime minister, David Cameron asserted that British rule was a net help to India.

This narrative has found considerable traction in the popular imagination: according to a 2014 YouGov poll, 50 percent of people in Britain believe that colonialism was beneficial to the colonies.

Yet during the entire 200-year history of British rule in India, there was almost no increase in per capita income. In fact, during the last half of the 19th century - the heyday of British intervention - income in India collapsed by half. The average life expectancy of Indians dropped by a fifth from 1870 to 1920. Tens of millions died needlessly of policy-induced famine.

Britain didn't develop India. Quite the contrary - as Patnaik's work makes clear - India developed Britain.

What does this require of Britain today? An apology? Absolutely. Reparations? Perhaps - although there is not enough money in all of Britain to cover the sums that Patnaik identifies. In the meantime, we can start by setting the story straight. We need to recognise that Britain retained control of India not out of benevolence but for the sake of plunder and that Britain's industrial rise didn't emerge sui generis from the steam engine and strong institutions, as our schoolbooks would have it, but depended on violent theft from other lands and other peoples.

डा. बाबा साहब आंबेडकर की २२ प्रतिज्ञाएँ

आज कथित हिंदूवादी दल से लेकर हर एक डा. अम्बेडकर को महान बताने पर तुले हुए है | महानता एक सापेक्ष विषय हो सकता है जब समाज बट जाए | आर्य समाज की स्थापना करने वाले, दलितों को भी एक सामान वेद की शिक्षा जनेऊ का अधिकार देने वाले देश धर्म जाती उद्धारक स्वामी दयानन्द, दलितोद्धार का कितना काम करने वाले महान सन्यासी गुरुकुल कांगड़ी के संस्थापक, हिन्दू शुद्धि सभा के अध्यक्ष स्वामी श्रद्धानन्द, देश के लिए अनेको अनेक यातनाये झेलने वाले वीर सावरकर के दलितों के लिए कार्य नहीं बताता पर डा. अम्बेडकर को एकाएक महान बताने की झड़ी लग गयी है प्रतिमाये लगने लग गयी है | आरक्षण  का लाभ लेते लेते ७० साल हो चुके है क्या ये हिन्दू धर्म के दमन का दौर आगया है | सत्य को इस प्रकार कब तक छुपाया जाएगा | आंबेडकर जिन्हे जीते जी जन मत ने नकार दिया था और बुरी तरह नकार दिया था |
खैर डा. अम्बेडकर ने हिन्दू धर्म त्याग कर बौद्ध मत स्वीकारा और २२ प्रतिज्ञाएं ली जो निम्न है और अंतरजाल पर हर जगह मिल जायेगी | उन्हें जानिये और अपनी राय बनाइये
बौद्ध धर्म की दीक्षा लेने के लिए 22 प्रतिज्ञाएं:-

1. मैं ब्रह्मा, विष्णु और महेश को कभी ईश्वर नहीं मानूंगा और न ही मैं उनकी पूजा करूंगा.
2. मैं राम और कृष्ण को कभी ईश्वर नहीं मानूंगा, और न ही मैं उनकी पूजा करूंगा.
3. मैं गौरी, गणपति जैसे हिंदू धर्म के किसी देवी देवता को नहीं मानूंगा और न ही उनकी पूजा करूंगा.
4. ईश्वर ने कभी अवतार लिया है, इस पर मेरा विश्वास नहीं.
5. मैं ऐसा कभी नहीं मानूंगा कि तथागत बौद्ध विष्णु के अवतार हैं. ऐसे प्रचार को मैं पागलपन और झूठा समझता हूं.
6. मैं कभी श्राद्ध नहीं करूंगा और न ही पिंडदान करवाऊंगा.
7. मैं बौध धम्म के विरुद्ध कभी कोई आचरण नहीं करूंगा.
8. मैं कोई भी क्रिया-कर्म ब्राह्मणों के हाथों से नहीं करवाऊंगा.
9. मैं इस सिद्धांत को मानूंगा कि सभी इंसान एक समान हैं.
10. मैं समानता की स्थापना का यत्न करूंगा.
11. मैं बुद्ध के आष्टांग मार्ग का पूरी तरह पालन करूंगा.
12. मैं बुद्ध के द्वारा बताई हुई दस परिमिताओं का पूरा पालन करूंगा.
13. मैं प्राणी मात्र पर दया रखूंगा और उनका लालन-पालन करूंगा.
14. मैं चोरी नहीं करूंगा.
15. मैं झूठ नहीं बोलूंगा.
16. मैं व्याभिचार नहीं करूंगा.
17. मैं शराब नहीं पीऊंगा.
18. मैं अपने जीवन को बुद्ध धम्म के तीन तत्वों-अथार्त प्रज्ञा, शील और करुणा पर ढालने का यत्न करूंगा.
19. मैं मानव मात्र के विकास के लिए हानिकारक और मनुष्य मात्र को उच्च– नीच मानने वाले अपने पुराने हिंदू धर्म को पूर्णत: त्यागता हूं और बुद्ध धम्म को स्वीकार करता हूं.
20. यह मेरा पूर्ण विश्वास है कि गौतम बुद्ध का धम्म ही सही धम्म है.
21. मैं यह मानता हूं कि अब मेरा नया जन्म हो गया है.
22. मैं यह प्रतिज्ञा करता हूँ कि आज से मैं बुद्ध धम्म के अनुसार आचरण करूंगा.
श्रोत : आजतक 

इसका वीडियो रुपातरण

https://youtu.be/EQBzpojo570